Ancestral support is very welcome.
Family and Work in Everyday Ethnography - Google книги
But ancestors can also withhold protection and become troublesome. If you lose your job, are robbed, or suddenly become ill, it could be a sign that the ancestors have withdrawn their support. In order to secure ancestral protection, you have to pay them respect. One of the ways to pay respect is to host a ritual for your ancestors and invite in neighbours and family.
The family brew beer and preferably also see to the slaughtering of an ox. Someone jokingly told me that if you were too poor to afford an ox you could slaughter a goat or a chicken. During one of the conversations that I had about ancestors someone asked me what I thought of all this. He wanted to know what I believed in. I was a bit doubtful about how to respond. At the same time; we knew each other quite well and it would be ethical for me to share my beliefs, as he had done all the time. I also trusted that he would understand that I had different views. Instead of responding evasively to his question I told him that I did not believe in ancestors.
He was amazed, shocked even. His friendly yet fierce response immediately made me realise how silly my answer had been. It must have sounded as if I thought a person could exist without having ancestors, which is indeed a ridiculous idea, possibly born out of a false sense of individualism. After all, we all have ancestors and they do influence us in everyday life, both in South Africa and The Netherlands.
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They influence our genetic makeup, which makes us vulnerable or resistant to physical and mental illnesses. Our ancestors matter in economic ways, for example through inheritance and the ability of ancestors to invest in future generations through schooling. They can make us feel proud, but some ancestors can be embarrassing as well: many people have stories about their ancestors that are so shameful that they are only shared among family members. We all have ancestors who have real consequences in everyday life. Some of the main contributors like E.
Tylor — from Britain and Lewis H. Morgan — , an American scientist were considered as founders of cultural and social dimensions. Franz Boas — , Bronislaw Malinowski — , Ruth Benedict — , and Margaret Mead — , were a group of researchers from the United States who contributed the idea of cultural relativism to the literature. Boas's approach focused on the use of documents and informants, whereas Malinowski stated that a researcher should be engrossed with the work for long periods in the field and do a participant observation by living with the informant and experiencing their way of life.
He gives the viewpoint of the native and this became the origin of field work and field methods. Thilo in Herodotus , known as the Father of History, had significant works on the cultures of various peoples beyond the Hellenic realm such as the Scythians , which earned him the title "philobarbarian", and may be said to have produced the first works of ethnography. There are different forms of ethnography: confessional ethnography; life history; feminist ethnography etc. Two popular forms of ethnography are realist ethnography and critical ethnography.
Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, Realist ethnography is a traditional approach used by cultural anthropologists. Characterized by Van Maanen , it reflects a particular instance taken by the researcher toward the individual being studied. It's an objective study of the situation.
It's composed from a third person's perspective by getting the data from the members on the site. The ethnographer stays as omniscient correspondent of actualities out of sight. The realist reports information in a measured style ostensibly uncontaminated by individual predisposition, political objectives, and judgment. The analyst will give a detailed report of the everyday life of the individuals under study. The ethnographer also uses standard categories for cultural description e.
The ethnographer produces the participant's views through closely edited quotations and has the final word on how the culture is to be interpreted and presented. Critical ethnography is a kind of ethnographic research in which the creators advocate for the liberation of groups which are marginalized in society. Critical researchers typically are politically minded people who look to take a stand of opposition to inequality and domination.
For example, a critical ethnographer might study schools that provide privileges to certain types of students, or counseling practices that serve to overlook the needs of underrepresented groups. The important components of a critical ethnographer are to incorporate a value-laden introduction, empower people by giving them more authority, challenging the status quo, and addressing concerns about power and control. A critical ethnographer will study issues of power, empowerment, inequality, inequity, dominance, repression, hegemony, and victimization. According to Dewan , the researcher is not looking for generalizing the findings; rather, they are considering it in reference to the context of the situation.
In this regard, the best way to integrate ethnography in a quantitative research would be to use it to discover and uncover relationships and then use the resultant data to test and explain the empirical assumptions . The ethnographic method is different from other ways of conducting social science approach due to the following reasons:. According to the leading social scientist, John Brewer , data collection methods are meant to capture the "social meanings and ordinary activities"  of people informants in "naturally occurring settings"  that are commonly referred to as "the field.
These can include participant observation, field notes, interviews, and surveys. Interviews are often taped and later transcribed, allowing the interview to proceed unimpaired of note-taking, but with all information available later for full analysis.
Secondary research and document analysis are also used to provide insight into the research topic. In the past, kinship charts were commonly used to "discover logical patterns and social structure in non-Western societies". In order to make the data collection and interpretation transparent, researchers creating ethnographies often attempt to be "reflexive". Reflexivity refers to the researcher's aim "to explore the ways in which [the] researcher's involvement with a particular study influences, acts upon and informs such research".
This factor has provided a basis to criticize ethnography. Traditionally, the ethnographer focuses attention on a community, selecting knowledgeable informants who know the activities of the community well.go to link
Through the looking glass: learning to do ethnography with children and their families
Participation, rather than just observation, is one of the keys to this process. Ybema et al. Ethnographic research can range from a realist perspective, in which behavior is observed, to a constructivist perspective where understanding is socially constructed by the researcher and subjects. Research can range from an objectivist account of fixed, observable behaviors to an interpretive narrative describing "the interplay of individual agency and social structure. Another form of data collection is that of the "image. An image can be contained within the physical world through a particular individual's perspective, primarily based on that individual's past experiences.
Ethnography and the work of the ancestors
One example of an image is how an individual views a novel after completing it. The physical entity that is the novel contains a specific image in the perspective of the interpreting individual and can only be expressed by the individual in the terms of "I can tell you what an image is by telling you what it feels like. Effectively, the idea of the image is a primary tool for ethnographers to collect data.
The image presents the perspective, experiences, and influences of an individual as a single entity and in consequence, the individual will always contain this image in the group under study. The ethnographic method is used across a range of different disciplines, primarily by anthropologists but also occasionally by sociologists. Cultural studies , Occupational Therapy , European ethnology , sociology , economics , social work , education , design , psychology , computer science , human factors and ergonomics , ethnomusicology , folkloristics , religious studies , geography , history , linguistics , communication studies , performance studies , advertising , accounting research , nursing , urban planning , usability , political science ,  social movement ,  and criminology are other fields which have made use of ethnography.
Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were developed around ethnographic research and their canonical texts, which are mostly ethnographies: e. Cultural and social anthropologists today place a high value on doing ethnographic research.
The typical ethnography is a document written about a particular people, almost always based at least in part on emic views of where the culture begins and ends. Using language or community boundaries to bound the ethnography is common. An ethnography is a specific kind of written observational science which provides an account of a particular culture, society, or community.
The fieldwork usually involves spending a year or more in another society, living with the local people and learning about their ways of life. Neophyte Ethnographers are strongly encouraged to develop extensive familiarity with their subject prior to entering the field; otherwise, they may find themselves in difficult situations. Ethnographers are participant observers.
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They take part in events they study because it helps with understanding local behavior and thought. Classic examples are Carol B. Iterations of ethnographic representations in the classic, modernist camp include Joseph W. A typical ethnography attempts to be holistic   and typically follows an outline to include a brief history of the culture in question, an analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people under study, including climate , and often including what biological anthropologists call habitat.
Folk notions of botany and zoology are presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology alongside references from the formal sciences. Material culture, technology, and means of subsistence are usually treated next, as they are typically bound up in physical geography and include descriptions of infrastructure. Kinship and social structure including age grading, peer groups, gender, voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth, if they exist are typically included.
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Languages spoken, dialects, and the history of language change are another group of standard topics. As ethnography developed, anthropologists grew more interested in less tangible aspects of culture, such as values, worldview and what Clifford Geertz termed the "ethos" of the culture. In his fieldwork, Geertz used elements of a phenomenological approach, tracing not just the doings of people, but the cultural elements themselves.
For example, if within a group of people, winking was a communicative gesture, he sought to first determine what kinds of things a wink might mean it might mean several things. Then, he sought to determine in what contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved about a region, winks remained meaningful in the same way.
In this way, cultural boundaries of communication could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic boundaries or notions about the residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline, moved outside that outline to talk about "webs" instead of "outlines"  of culture. Within cultural anthropology, there are several subgenres of ethnography. Beginning in the s and early s, anthropologists began writing "bio-confessional" ethnographies that intentionally exposed the nature of ethnographic research.
Later " reflexive " ethnographies refined the technique to translate cultural differences by representing their effects on the ethnographer. This critical turn in sociocultural anthropology during the mids can be traced to the influence of the now classic and often contested text, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography , edited by James Clifford and George Marcus. Writing Culture helped bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography often described in terms of being 'postmodern,' 'reflexive,' 'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature, in that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.
Where Geertz's and Turner's interpretive anthropology recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of the ethnographers themselves.